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Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty Kindle Edition
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Daron Acemoglu
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James A. Robinson
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James A. Robinson
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Review
Should be required reading for politicians and anyone concerned with economic development. --Jared Diamond, New York Review of Books ...bracing, garrulous, wildly ambitious and ultimately hopeful. It may, in fact, be a bit of a masterpiece.--Washington Post "For economics and political-science students, surely, but also for the general reader who will appreciate how gracefully the authors wear their erudition."--Kirkus Reviews "Provocative stuff; backed by lots of brain power."--Library Journal
"This is an intellectually rich book that develops an important thesis with verve. It should be widely read." --Financial Times
"A probing . . . look at the roots of political and economic success . . . large and ambitious new book." --The Daily
"Why Nations Fail is a splendid piece of scholarship and a showcase of economic rigor." --The Wall Street Journal
Ranging from imperial Rome to modern Botswana, this book will change the way people think about the wealth and poverty of nations...as ambitious as Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs, and Steel.
--Bloomberg BusinessWeek "The main strength of this book is beyond the power of summary: it is packed, from beginning to end, with historical vignettes that are both erudite and fascinating. As Jared Diamond says on the cover: 'It will make you a spellbinder at parties.' But it will also make you think." --The Observer (UK)
A brilliant book." --Bloomberg (Jonathan Alter)
"Why Nations Fail is a wildly ambitious work that hopscotches through history and around the world to answer the very big question of why some countries get rich and others don't." --The New York Times (Chrystia Freeland) Why Nations Failis a truly awesome book. Acemoglu and Robinson tackle one of the most important problems in the social sciences--a question that has bedeviled leading thinkers for centuries--and offer an answer that is brilliant in its simplicity and power. A wonderfully readable mix of history, political science, and economics, this book will change the way we think about economic development. Why Nations Fail is a must-read book. --Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics
You will have three reasons to love this book. It's about national income differences within the modern world, perhaps the biggest problem facing the world today. It's peppered with fascinating stories that will make you a spellbinder at cocktail parties--such as why Botswana is prospering and Sierra Leone isn't. And it's a great read. Like me, you may succumb to reading it in one go, and then you may come back to it again and again. --Jared Diamond, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of the bestsellers Guns, Germs, and Steel and Collapse
A compelling and highly readable book. And [the] conclusion is a cheering one: the authoritarian 'extractive' institutions like the ones that drive growth in China today are bound to run out of steam. Without the inclusive institutions that first evolved in the West, sustainable growth is impossible, because only a truly free society can foster genuine innovation and the creative destruction that is its corollary. --Niall Ferguson, author of The Ascent of Money Some time ago a little-known Scottish philosopher wrote a book on what makes nations succeed and what makes them fail. The Wealth of Nations is still being read today. With the same perspicacity and with the same broad historical perspective, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have retackled this same question for our own times. Two centuries from now our great-great- . . . -great grandchildren will be, similarly, reading Why Nations Fail. --George Akerlof, Nobel laureate in economics, 2001 Why Nations Fail is so good in so many ways that I despair of listing them all. It explains huge swathes of human history. It is equally at home in Asia, Africa and the Americas. It is fair to left and right and every flavor in between. It doesn't pull punches but doesn't insult just to gain attention. It illuminates the past as it gives us a new way to think about the present. It is that rare book in economics that convinces the reader that the authors want the best for ordinary people. It will provide scholars with years of argument and ordinary readers with years of did-you-know-that dinner conversation. It has some jokes, which are always welcome. It is an excellent book and should be purchased forthwith, so to encourage the authors to keep working. --Charles C. Mann, author of 1491 and 1493 "Imagine sitting around a table listening to Jared Diamond, Joseph Schumpeter, and James Madison reflect on over two thousand years of political and economic history. Imagine that they weave their ideas into a coherent theoretical framework based on limiting extraction, promoting creative destruction, and creating strong political institutions that share power and you begin to see the contribution of this brilliant and engagingly written book." --Scott E. Page, University of Michigan and Santa Fre Institute "This fascinating and readable book centers on the complex joint evolution of political and economic institutions, in good directions and bad. It strikes a delicate balance between the logic of political and economic behavior and the shifts in direction created by contingent historical events, large and small at 'critical junctures.' Acemoglu and Robinson provide an enormous range of historical examples to show how such shifts can tilt toward favorable institutions, progressive innovation and economic success or toward repressive institutions and eventual decay or stagnation. Somehow they can generate both excitement and reflection." --Robert Solow, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1987 "It's the politics, stupid! That is Acemoglu and Robinson's simple yet compelling explanation for why so many countries fail to develop. From the absolutism of the Stuarts to the antebellum South, from Sierra Leone to Colombia, this magisterial work shows how powerful elites rig the rules to benefit themselves at the expense of the many. Charting a careful course between the pessimists and optimists, the authors demonstrate history and geography need not be destiny. But they also document how sensible economic ideas and policies often achieve little in the absence of fundamental political change."--Dani Rodrik, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University "Two of the world's best and most erudite economists turn to the hardest issue of all: why are some nations poor and others rich? Written with a deep knowledge of economics and political history, this is perhaps the most powerful statement made to date that 'institutions matter.' A provocative, instructive, yet thoroughly enthralling book." --Joel Mokyr, Robert H. Strotz Professor of Arts and Sciences and Professor of Economics and History, Northwestern University "A brilliant and uplifting book--yet also a deeply disturbing wake-up call. Acemoglu and Robinson lay out a convincing theory of almost everything to do with economic development. Countries rise when they put in place the right pro-growth political institutions and they fail--often spectacularly--when those institutions ossify or fail to adapt. Powerful people always and everywhere seek to grab complete control over government, undermining broader social progress for their own greed. Keep those people in check with effective democracy or watch your nation fail." --Simon Johnson, co-author of 13 Bankers and professor at MIT Sloan "This important and insightful book, packed with historical examples, makes the case that inclusive political institutions in support of inclusive economic institutions is key to sustained prosperity. The book reviews how some good regimes got launched and then had a virtuous spiral, while bad regimes remain in a vicious spiral. This is important analysis not to be missed." --Peter Diamond, Nobel Laureate in Economics "Acemoglu and Robinson have made an important contribution to the debate as to why similar-looking nations differ so greatly in their economic and political development. Through a broad multiplicity of historical examples, they show how institutional developments, sometimes based on very accidental circumstances, have had enormous consequences. The openness of a society, its willingness to permit creative destruction, and the rule of appear to be decisive for economic development." --Kenneth Arrow, Professor Emeritus, Stanford University, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1972 "Acemoglu and Robinson--two of the world's leading experts on development--reveal why it is not geography, disease, or culture which explains why some nations are rich and some poor, but rather a matter of institutions and politics. This highly accessible book provides welcome insight to specialists and general readers alike." --Francis Fukuyama, author of The End of History and the Last Man and The Origins of Political Order "Some time ago a little known Scottish philosopher wrote a book on what makes nations succeed and what makes them fail. The Wealth of Nations is still being read today. With the same perspicacity and with the same broad historical perspective, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have re-tackled this same question for our own times. Two centuries from now our great-great-...-great grandchildren will be, similarly, reading Why Nations Fail." --George Akerlof, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2001 "In this stunningly wide ranging book Acemoglu and Robinson ask a simple but vital question, why do some nations become rich and others remain poor? Their answer is also simple--because some polities develop more inclusive political institutions. What is remarkable about the book is the crispness and clarity of the writing, the elegance of the argument, and the remarkable richness of historical detail. This book is a must read at a moment where governments right across the western world must come up with the political will to deal with a debt crisis of unusual proportions." --Steve Pincus, Bradford Durfee Professor of History and International and Area Studies, Yale University
"The authors convincingly show that countries escape poverty only when they have appropriate economic institutions, especially private property and competition. More originally, they argue countries are more likely to develop the right institutions when they have an open pluralistic political system with competition for political office, a widespread electorate, and openness to new political leaders. This intimate connection between political and economic institutions is the heart of their major contribution, and has resulted in a study of great vitality on one of the crucial questions in economics and political economy." -- Gary S. Becker, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1992 "This not only a fascinating and interesting book: it is a really important one. The highly original research that Professors Acemoglu and Robinson have done, and continue to do, on how economic forces, politics and policy choices evolve together and constrain each other, and how institutions affect that evolution, is essential to understanding the successes and failures of societies and nations. And here, in this book, these insights come in a highly accessible, indeed riveting form. Those who pick this book up and start reading will have trouble putting it down." ¯Michael Spence, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2001 In this delightfully readable romp through 400 years of history, two of the giants of contemporary social science bring us an inspiring and important message: it is freedom that makes the world rich. Let tyrants everywhere tremble! --Ian Morris, Stanford University, author of Why the West Rules - For Now "Acemoglu and Robinson pose the fundamental question concerning the development of the bottom billion. Their answers are profound, lucid, and convincing." ―Paul Collier, Professor of Economics, Oxford University, and author of The Bottom Billion
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
"This is an intellectually rich book that develops an important thesis with verve. It should be widely read." --Financial Times
"A probing . . . look at the roots of political and economic success . . . large and ambitious new book." --The Daily
"Why Nations Fail is a splendid piece of scholarship and a showcase of economic rigor." --The Wall Street Journal
Ranging from imperial Rome to modern Botswana, this book will change the way people think about the wealth and poverty of nations...as ambitious as Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs, and Steel.
--Bloomberg BusinessWeek "The main strength of this book is beyond the power of summary: it is packed, from beginning to end, with historical vignettes that are both erudite and fascinating. As Jared Diamond says on the cover: 'It will make you a spellbinder at parties.' But it will also make you think." --The Observer (UK)
A brilliant book." --Bloomberg (Jonathan Alter)
"Why Nations Fail is a wildly ambitious work that hopscotches through history and around the world to answer the very big question of why some countries get rich and others don't." --The New York Times (Chrystia Freeland) Why Nations Failis a truly awesome book. Acemoglu and Robinson tackle one of the most important problems in the social sciences--a question that has bedeviled leading thinkers for centuries--and offer an answer that is brilliant in its simplicity and power. A wonderfully readable mix of history, political science, and economics, this book will change the way we think about economic development. Why Nations Fail is a must-read book. --Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics
You will have three reasons to love this book. It's about national income differences within the modern world, perhaps the biggest problem facing the world today. It's peppered with fascinating stories that will make you a spellbinder at cocktail parties--such as why Botswana is prospering and Sierra Leone isn't. And it's a great read. Like me, you may succumb to reading it in one go, and then you may come back to it again and again. --Jared Diamond, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of the bestsellers Guns, Germs, and Steel and Collapse
A compelling and highly readable book. And [the] conclusion is a cheering one: the authoritarian 'extractive' institutions like the ones that drive growth in China today are bound to run out of steam. Without the inclusive institutions that first evolved in the West, sustainable growth is impossible, because only a truly free society can foster genuine innovation and the creative destruction that is its corollary. --Niall Ferguson, author of The Ascent of Money Some time ago a little-known Scottish philosopher wrote a book on what makes nations succeed and what makes them fail. The Wealth of Nations is still being read today. With the same perspicacity and with the same broad historical perspective, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have retackled this same question for our own times. Two centuries from now our great-great- . . . -great grandchildren will be, similarly, reading Why Nations Fail. --George Akerlof, Nobel laureate in economics, 2001 Why Nations Fail is so good in so many ways that I despair of listing them all. It explains huge swathes of human history. It is equally at home in Asia, Africa and the Americas. It is fair to left and right and every flavor in between. It doesn't pull punches but doesn't insult just to gain attention. It illuminates the past as it gives us a new way to think about the present. It is that rare book in economics that convinces the reader that the authors want the best for ordinary people. It will provide scholars with years of argument and ordinary readers with years of did-you-know-that dinner conversation. It has some jokes, which are always welcome. It is an excellent book and should be purchased forthwith, so to encourage the authors to keep working. --Charles C. Mann, author of 1491 and 1493 "Imagine sitting around a table listening to Jared Diamond, Joseph Schumpeter, and James Madison reflect on over two thousand years of political and economic history. Imagine that they weave their ideas into a coherent theoretical framework based on limiting extraction, promoting creative destruction, and creating strong political institutions that share power and you begin to see the contribution of this brilliant and engagingly written book." --Scott E. Page, University of Michigan and Santa Fre Institute "This fascinating and readable book centers on the complex joint evolution of political and economic institutions, in good directions and bad. It strikes a delicate balance between the logic of political and economic behavior and the shifts in direction created by contingent historical events, large and small at 'critical junctures.' Acemoglu and Robinson provide an enormous range of historical examples to show how such shifts can tilt toward favorable institutions, progressive innovation and economic success or toward repressive institutions and eventual decay or stagnation. Somehow they can generate both excitement and reflection." --Robert Solow, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1987 "It's the politics, stupid! That is Acemoglu and Robinson's simple yet compelling explanation for why so many countries fail to develop. From the absolutism of the Stuarts to the antebellum South, from Sierra Leone to Colombia, this magisterial work shows how powerful elites rig the rules to benefit themselves at the expense of the many. Charting a careful course between the pessimists and optimists, the authors demonstrate history and geography need not be destiny. But they also document how sensible economic ideas and policies often achieve little in the absence of fundamental political change."--Dani Rodrik, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University "Two of the world's best and most erudite economists turn to the hardest issue of all: why are some nations poor and others rich? Written with a deep knowledge of economics and political history, this is perhaps the most powerful statement made to date that 'institutions matter.' A provocative, instructive, yet thoroughly enthralling book." --Joel Mokyr, Robert H. Strotz Professor of Arts and Sciences and Professor of Economics and History, Northwestern University "A brilliant and uplifting book--yet also a deeply disturbing wake-up call. Acemoglu and Robinson lay out a convincing theory of almost everything to do with economic development. Countries rise when they put in place the right pro-growth political institutions and they fail--often spectacularly--when those institutions ossify or fail to adapt. Powerful people always and everywhere seek to grab complete control over government, undermining broader social progress for their own greed. Keep those people in check with effective democracy or watch your nation fail." --Simon Johnson, co-author of 13 Bankers and professor at MIT Sloan "This important and insightful book, packed with historical examples, makes the case that inclusive political institutions in support of inclusive economic institutions is key to sustained prosperity. The book reviews how some good regimes got launched and then had a virtuous spiral, while bad regimes remain in a vicious spiral. This is important analysis not to be missed." --Peter Diamond, Nobel Laureate in Economics "Acemoglu and Robinson have made an important contribution to the debate as to why similar-looking nations differ so greatly in their economic and political development. Through a broad multiplicity of historical examples, they show how institutional developments, sometimes based on very accidental circumstances, have had enormous consequences. The openness of a society, its willingness to permit creative destruction, and the rule of appear to be decisive for economic development." --Kenneth Arrow, Professor Emeritus, Stanford University, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1972 "Acemoglu and Robinson--two of the world's leading experts on development--reveal why it is not geography, disease, or culture which explains why some nations are rich and some poor, but rather a matter of institutions and politics. This highly accessible book provides welcome insight to specialists and general readers alike." --Francis Fukuyama, author of The End of History and the Last Man and The Origins of Political Order "Some time ago a little known Scottish philosopher wrote a book on what makes nations succeed and what makes them fail. The Wealth of Nations is still being read today. With the same perspicacity and with the same broad historical perspective, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have re-tackled this same question for our own times. Two centuries from now our great-great-...-great grandchildren will be, similarly, reading Why Nations Fail." --George Akerlof, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2001 "In this stunningly wide ranging book Acemoglu and Robinson ask a simple but vital question, why do some nations become rich and others remain poor? Their answer is also simple--because some polities develop more inclusive political institutions. What is remarkable about the book is the crispness and clarity of the writing, the elegance of the argument, and the remarkable richness of historical detail. This book is a must read at a moment where governments right across the western world must come up with the political will to deal with a debt crisis of unusual proportions." --Steve Pincus, Bradford Durfee Professor of History and International and Area Studies, Yale University
"The authors convincingly show that countries escape poverty only when they have appropriate economic institutions, especially private property and competition. More originally, they argue countries are more likely to develop the right institutions when they have an open pluralistic political system with competition for political office, a widespread electorate, and openness to new political leaders. This intimate connection between political and economic institutions is the heart of their major contribution, and has resulted in a study of great vitality on one of the crucial questions in economics and political economy." -- Gary S. Becker, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1992 "This not only a fascinating and interesting book: it is a really important one. The highly original research that Professors Acemoglu and Robinson have done, and continue to do, on how economic forces, politics and policy choices evolve together and constrain each other, and how institutions affect that evolution, is essential to understanding the successes and failures of societies and nations. And here, in this book, these insights come in a highly accessible, indeed riveting form. Those who pick this book up and start reading will have trouble putting it down." ¯Michael Spence, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2001 In this delightfully readable romp through 400 years of history, two of the giants of contemporary social science bring us an inspiring and important message: it is freedom that makes the world rich. Let tyrants everywhere tremble! --Ian Morris, Stanford University, author of Why the West Rules - For Now "Acemoglu and Robinson pose the fundamental question concerning the development of the bottom billion. Their answers are profound, lucid, and convincing." ―Paul Collier, Professor of Economics, Oxford University, and author of The Bottom Billion
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
About the Author
Daron Acemoglu is the Killian Professor of Economics at MIT. In 2005 he received the John Bates Clark Medal awarded to economists under forty judged to have made the most significant contribution to economic thought and knowledge. He is also the co-author of The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty. James A. Robinson, a political scientist and an economist, is the David Florence Professor of Government at Harvard University. A world-renowned expert on Latin America and Africa, he has worked in Botswana, Mauritius, Sierra Leone, and South Africa. He is also the co-author of The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty.
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Product details
- ASIN : B0058Z4NR8
- Publisher : Currency; 1st edition (20 March 2012)
- Language : English
- File size : 17071 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Print length : 556 pages
- Customer Reviews:
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4.5 out of 5
2,586 global ratings
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Reviewed in Australia on 24 October 2018
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The book explains a great deals about why political institutions shape the economic institutions hence the distribution of resources in the society. Poor countries are poor because political powers are in the hands of few elites. The elites do not like changes or creative destruction (new innovation, new way of doing things) because it will disrupt their power in politics and business. Therefore, there will be no technological change in a country which improves long term productivity. The country will remain stagnant. How to change that? You must read this book. Its an excellent piece for anyone.
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Reviewed in Australia on 9 September 2017
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This book does not try to explain everything, but it makes a very good case about the importance of political and economic institutions in development. One shortcoming I detected was in deprecating the role of culture in what institutions are possible at any point in history.
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Reviewed in Australia on 6 August 2019
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Audio version is the way to go for this book as it’s just too long. Substance is not bad
Reviewed in Australia on 24 October 2019
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Beautiful book, insightful
Reviewed in Australia on 16 June 2017
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A must read for any student history, economics and politics or anyone interested understanding what a community or state to thrive.
Reviewed in Australia on 21 March 2018
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Great book with plenty of historical references.
Reviewed in Australia on 12 October 2014
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a provocative book. interesting
Reviewed in Australia on 2 November 2016
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Fair
Top reviews from other countries

MYasin
2.0 out of 5 stars
Important thesis, but a boring and repetitive book.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 16 February 2019Verified Purchase
This was one my required readings for an economics course I was doing. The book has one simple thesis: rich countries are developed becuase they have inclusive institutions and poor countries are undeveloped because they have extractive institutions. The book just provides hundreds of bother historical and contemporary examples of this simple thesis. The words inclusive and extractive institutions are on literally every page. The strange thing is that despite proposing the thesis, it never actually defines what an inclusive or extractive institution is or how exactly it can be developed. This book can easily be half or even a quarter if it's length without losing anything in substance.
31 people found this helpful
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Douglas Clark
5.0 out of 5 stars
Well written with wide ranging supporting examples ranging throughout history. Recommended.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 4 September 2016Verified Purchase
I am not an economist but I found this book hard to put down. The ideas make a lot of sense and the examples certainly support the thesis but I have insufficient deep knowledge to tell if this is only due to cherry picking.
The thesis of the book is that nations that fail have extractive economies and/or extractive politics - essentially these are institutions that exist to line their own pockets or those of their cronies. Using historical and recent examples it shows how countries and areas of countries that are extractive are poorer than those where the institutions are run for the good of the people. Extractivism destroys incentives as your success only results in more being stolen from you and blocks innovation in case it should take power away from those who are currently benefiting.
The idea of success being geographical is debunked using examples like Nogales (a city spanning the US/Mexican border), Botswana (successful whist the countries around it are not) and others. Attitude of the people ideas, for example that people from Southern Europe are inherently more lazy than those from the North are also refuted with example,s as are ideas that success is culturally based.
The reasons the industrial revolution started in Britain are traced back via the Glorious Revolution, Black Death and Magna Carta. The contribution made in Eurpoe by the French Revolution and particularly by Napoleon destroying the extractive system in the countries he invaded is also shown to contribute to the success of many current nations. The authors are very clear that very minor differences in situation can end up having massive consequences so that, for example, when the Spanish colonized South America the large indigenous population allowed them to develop a slave based extractive economy whereas the British planned the same but could not do it in what became the USA due to the very low indigenous population density and therefore had to give rights to the workers to give them incentives to produce. Today we can see the result of these approaches in the relative success of the nations.
Of the current failed nations many are shown to be long term effects of colonization by the Spanish (South America), British (Africa) and Dutch (Asia) who put in place extractive institutions which by the "Iron law of the oligarch" are almost impossible to remove and have simply been taken over by new generations of rulers so they remain extractive. Countries who are successful can fail if they revert to being extractive so, for example, the Mayans were a very rich people but South America is now generally poor.
The apparent success of some extractive states, for example Communist China and Communist Russia, is explained as simply the result of better deployment of labor from agriculture to low efficiency manufacturing and that in the long run it will run out of steam as it did in Russia causing it to collapse and as it is possibly starting to do in China. An example of the conversion from extractive to an inclusive state is given as Brazil due to Lula and his workers party but now we know that actually his party was taking money out of, for example, Petrobras so it remains to be seen if the country will fall back to being an extractive failure or will surge forward into being a successful inclusive state.
Finally, the authors suggest that aid is never going to do much for failed nations unless they can be made to reform from extractive to inclusive and if we really want to help the aid should be targeted on things that will help this.
The thesis of the book is that nations that fail have extractive economies and/or extractive politics - essentially these are institutions that exist to line their own pockets or those of their cronies. Using historical and recent examples it shows how countries and areas of countries that are extractive are poorer than those where the institutions are run for the good of the people. Extractivism destroys incentives as your success only results in more being stolen from you and blocks innovation in case it should take power away from those who are currently benefiting.
The idea of success being geographical is debunked using examples like Nogales (a city spanning the US/Mexican border), Botswana (successful whist the countries around it are not) and others. Attitude of the people ideas, for example that people from Southern Europe are inherently more lazy than those from the North are also refuted with example,s as are ideas that success is culturally based.
The reasons the industrial revolution started in Britain are traced back via the Glorious Revolution, Black Death and Magna Carta. The contribution made in Eurpoe by the French Revolution and particularly by Napoleon destroying the extractive system in the countries he invaded is also shown to contribute to the success of many current nations. The authors are very clear that very minor differences in situation can end up having massive consequences so that, for example, when the Spanish colonized South America the large indigenous population allowed them to develop a slave based extractive economy whereas the British planned the same but could not do it in what became the USA due to the very low indigenous population density and therefore had to give rights to the workers to give them incentives to produce. Today we can see the result of these approaches in the relative success of the nations.
Of the current failed nations many are shown to be long term effects of colonization by the Spanish (South America), British (Africa) and Dutch (Asia) who put in place extractive institutions which by the "Iron law of the oligarch" are almost impossible to remove and have simply been taken over by new generations of rulers so they remain extractive. Countries who are successful can fail if they revert to being extractive so, for example, the Mayans were a very rich people but South America is now generally poor.
The apparent success of some extractive states, for example Communist China and Communist Russia, is explained as simply the result of better deployment of labor from agriculture to low efficiency manufacturing and that in the long run it will run out of steam as it did in Russia causing it to collapse and as it is possibly starting to do in China. An example of the conversion from extractive to an inclusive state is given as Brazil due to Lula and his workers party but now we know that actually his party was taking money out of, for example, Petrobras so it remains to be seen if the country will fall back to being an extractive failure or will surge forward into being a successful inclusive state.
Finally, the authors suggest that aid is never going to do much for failed nations unless they can be made to reform from extractive to inclusive and if we really want to help the aid should be targeted on things that will help this.
27 people found this helpful
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Thiago
5.0 out of 5 stars
Porque as nações fracassam
Reviewed in Brazil on 26 October 2018Verified Purchase
Livro bastante interessante sobre um assunto bem pertinente. O livro inteiro segue a linha de convencer o leitor de uma tese através de vários exemplos da história. A tese é "as nações fracassam porque tem instituições políticas e economia extrativas". Se você gosta de história certamente vai curtir o livro. Eles contam em detalhes a formação de diversos estados modernos e alguns antigos também.
Países com instituições extrativas são chamados assim porque têm instituições projetadas para extrair renda e riqueza de uma parte da população e tranferir para outra. Geralmente a maior parte da população é explorada para beneficiar uma minoria que domina o poder. Já instituições inclusivas têm o poder distribuído em grande parte da população, que garantem direitos mais igualitários a todos e uma participação mais ampla na economia e política. Instituições econômicas inclusivas incentivam a população a trabalhar e gerar riqueza, levando o país a prosperidade. A garantia da propriedade privada também tem um papel essencial essencial para incentivar o trabalho e ela é garantida por instituições políticas inclusivas. Os autores dão alguns exemplos para mostrar que fatores geográficos, climáticos e culturais não são tão relevantes quanto a característica das instituições dominantes no países. Entre os exemplos estão as duas Coreias e as cidades de Nogales, que dividem fronteira entre os EUA e o México.
Dentre as histórias contadas no livro, a história de Botswana me chamou bastante atenção. Eu não fazia ideia de que esse era um dos países mais desenvolvidos da África e que não foi colônia de nenhum país europeu. Botswana tem um histórico longo de governos democráticos e nunca teve uma ditadura militar. O país hoje tem o padrão de vida médio equivalente ao do México. Segundo o livro, o sucesso de Botswana se deve a raízes democráticas desde o seu sistema tribal, que permitia ao chefe da tribo ser eleito por méritos e não por hereditariedade. As decisões tomadas pelos chefes também envolviam reuniões em que todos tinham voz igual. Em tempos mais recentes, durante o século XX, uma peregrinação dos líderes tribais de Botswana pelo Reino Unido evitou que Cecil Rhodes, o "dono" da África do Sul colonial, invadisse o país e garantiu sua autonomia.
Como exemplos de nações onde as instituições eram extrativas e culminaram na falência do estado, o livro explora os casos de Serra Leoa e Zimbábue. Em tristes relatos, é explicado em detalhes como a colonização britânica criou as instituições extrativas que levaram a base para o caos atual nos países. Como na maior parte das colônias africanas após a independência, um governo tirano tomou o poder e conseguiu e se tornar mais duro ainda que os anteriores. Procure sobre a vida de Robert Mugabe e Siaka Stevens para saber um pouco mais do que esses ditadores são capazes. Para ser ter uma ideia, no Zimbábue quando o banco federal organizou um loteria para todos os clientes, o vencedor inusitadamente foi o próprio Mugabe. Aí dá pra ter uma ideia do grau de corrupção desses países.
Um mecanismo que age em países com instituições extrativas é o ciclo vicioso que mantém essas instituições funcionando. Em um regime totalitário os poderes do ditador são muito grandes em comparação com os poderes de um presidente de uma democracia inclusiva. A chegada ao poder também leva a um enriquecimento pessoal enorme. E caso esse ditador perca o poder para outro, ele provavelmente será perseguido e até morto pelo novo líder. Essas circunstâncias levam a um apego ao cargo maior em países mais extrativos, levando a perseguição da oposição, da imprensa livre e às liberdades da população. Esse ciclo vicioso torna mais difícil a mudança de instituições extrativas para instituições inclusivas. Há também o caso inverso que é chamado de ciclo virtuoso e ocorre em países inclusivos. Ele torna mais difícil o caminho para ditadores em potencial, uma vez que o poder está distribuído por diversas instituições com diferentes interesses e que acabam servindo de oposição entre si. No livro isso é explicado em bem mais detalhes e com exemplos reais.
A descrição da Revolução Gloriosa foi muito interessante. Não conheço muito sobre a história do Reino Unido e já me questionei sobre quando e como a Inglaterra deixou de ser uma monarquia absolutista e se criou a figura do parlamento, limitando o poder dos reis. Isso se deu início justamente na Revolução Gloriosa, a semente das instituições inclusivas no país que permitiram que a revolução industrial ocorresse lá e não em outro lugar. No resto da Europa ocidental o papel de Napoleão foi muito importante para o surgimento de instituições mais inclusivas. Nos vários países que Napoleão dominou, ele implantou um conjunto de leis baseadas no direito romano que buscava garantir a igualdade de todos perante a lei. Esse sistema legal ficou conhecido como código napoleônico e foi mantido mesmo após a queda e Napoleão. Esse foi um dos motivos porque os países que foram dominados por Napoleão adotaram rapidamente a revolução industrial. Outros países como o império russo, o Otomano e o Austro-húngaro permaneceram absolutistas até a primeira guerra mundial.
A forma de colonização dos EUA e da Austrália são descritas e comparadas com as formas colonização da América Latina. É triste relembrar mais uma vez como os colonizadores tiveram uma relevância enorme no sucesso dos países que foram colônias. Na América do Sul, os espanhóis e portugueses montaram uma indústria altamente extraída porque as condições eram favoráveis. Havia uma alta densidade de população local que podia ser escravizada, terras férteis para produção agrícola, muitas riqueza naturais como a prata e o ouro. As colônias nos EUA e Austrália foram diferentes, mas não porque as intenções dos colonizadores eram outras. Eles queriam extrair o máximo possível, porém as tentativas de usar nativos não vingou e a única colônia de sucesso foi feita por colonizadores que foram para trabalhar. Essa forma de colônia permitiu a distribuição do poder a um número maior de pessoas, que levou a instituições mais inclusivas e à prosperidade.
Os exemplos para comprovar a teses são vários e os autores relatam de forma bem detalhada. Um ponto que me pareceu pouco explorado foi a influência externa de impérios e potências no mundo atual, que pode dificultar o desenvolvimento de países mais atrasados. A questão geográfica também é descrita como irrelevante, porém o livro "Guns, Germs and Steel" do Jared Diamond me convenceu de que o início da agricultura e do desenvolvimento de civilizações teve um influencia bem grande de questões geográficas, como existência de espécies nativas cultiváveis, animais potencialmente domesticáveis e ausência de limites geográfico para expansão de aldeias, como montanhas e oceanos. Na minha opinião esses dois livros se completam e são imperdíveis.
Países com instituições extrativas são chamados assim porque têm instituições projetadas para extrair renda e riqueza de uma parte da população e tranferir para outra. Geralmente a maior parte da população é explorada para beneficiar uma minoria que domina o poder. Já instituições inclusivas têm o poder distribuído em grande parte da população, que garantem direitos mais igualitários a todos e uma participação mais ampla na economia e política. Instituições econômicas inclusivas incentivam a população a trabalhar e gerar riqueza, levando o país a prosperidade. A garantia da propriedade privada também tem um papel essencial essencial para incentivar o trabalho e ela é garantida por instituições políticas inclusivas. Os autores dão alguns exemplos para mostrar que fatores geográficos, climáticos e culturais não são tão relevantes quanto a característica das instituições dominantes no países. Entre os exemplos estão as duas Coreias e as cidades de Nogales, que dividem fronteira entre os EUA e o México.
Dentre as histórias contadas no livro, a história de Botswana me chamou bastante atenção. Eu não fazia ideia de que esse era um dos países mais desenvolvidos da África e que não foi colônia de nenhum país europeu. Botswana tem um histórico longo de governos democráticos e nunca teve uma ditadura militar. O país hoje tem o padrão de vida médio equivalente ao do México. Segundo o livro, o sucesso de Botswana se deve a raízes democráticas desde o seu sistema tribal, que permitia ao chefe da tribo ser eleito por méritos e não por hereditariedade. As decisões tomadas pelos chefes também envolviam reuniões em que todos tinham voz igual. Em tempos mais recentes, durante o século XX, uma peregrinação dos líderes tribais de Botswana pelo Reino Unido evitou que Cecil Rhodes, o "dono" da África do Sul colonial, invadisse o país e garantiu sua autonomia.
Como exemplos de nações onde as instituições eram extrativas e culminaram na falência do estado, o livro explora os casos de Serra Leoa e Zimbábue. Em tristes relatos, é explicado em detalhes como a colonização britânica criou as instituições extrativas que levaram a base para o caos atual nos países. Como na maior parte das colônias africanas após a independência, um governo tirano tomou o poder e conseguiu e se tornar mais duro ainda que os anteriores. Procure sobre a vida de Robert Mugabe e Siaka Stevens para saber um pouco mais do que esses ditadores são capazes. Para ser ter uma ideia, no Zimbábue quando o banco federal organizou um loteria para todos os clientes, o vencedor inusitadamente foi o próprio Mugabe. Aí dá pra ter uma ideia do grau de corrupção desses países.
Um mecanismo que age em países com instituições extrativas é o ciclo vicioso que mantém essas instituições funcionando. Em um regime totalitário os poderes do ditador são muito grandes em comparação com os poderes de um presidente de uma democracia inclusiva. A chegada ao poder também leva a um enriquecimento pessoal enorme. E caso esse ditador perca o poder para outro, ele provavelmente será perseguido e até morto pelo novo líder. Essas circunstâncias levam a um apego ao cargo maior em países mais extrativos, levando a perseguição da oposição, da imprensa livre e às liberdades da população. Esse ciclo vicioso torna mais difícil a mudança de instituições extrativas para instituições inclusivas. Há também o caso inverso que é chamado de ciclo virtuoso e ocorre em países inclusivos. Ele torna mais difícil o caminho para ditadores em potencial, uma vez que o poder está distribuído por diversas instituições com diferentes interesses e que acabam servindo de oposição entre si. No livro isso é explicado em bem mais detalhes e com exemplos reais.
A descrição da Revolução Gloriosa foi muito interessante. Não conheço muito sobre a história do Reino Unido e já me questionei sobre quando e como a Inglaterra deixou de ser uma monarquia absolutista e se criou a figura do parlamento, limitando o poder dos reis. Isso se deu início justamente na Revolução Gloriosa, a semente das instituições inclusivas no país que permitiram que a revolução industrial ocorresse lá e não em outro lugar. No resto da Europa ocidental o papel de Napoleão foi muito importante para o surgimento de instituições mais inclusivas. Nos vários países que Napoleão dominou, ele implantou um conjunto de leis baseadas no direito romano que buscava garantir a igualdade de todos perante a lei. Esse sistema legal ficou conhecido como código napoleônico e foi mantido mesmo após a queda e Napoleão. Esse foi um dos motivos porque os países que foram dominados por Napoleão adotaram rapidamente a revolução industrial. Outros países como o império russo, o Otomano e o Austro-húngaro permaneceram absolutistas até a primeira guerra mundial.
A forma de colonização dos EUA e da Austrália são descritas e comparadas com as formas colonização da América Latina. É triste relembrar mais uma vez como os colonizadores tiveram uma relevância enorme no sucesso dos países que foram colônias. Na América do Sul, os espanhóis e portugueses montaram uma indústria altamente extraída porque as condições eram favoráveis. Havia uma alta densidade de população local que podia ser escravizada, terras férteis para produção agrícola, muitas riqueza naturais como a prata e o ouro. As colônias nos EUA e Austrália foram diferentes, mas não porque as intenções dos colonizadores eram outras. Eles queriam extrair o máximo possível, porém as tentativas de usar nativos não vingou e a única colônia de sucesso foi feita por colonizadores que foram para trabalhar. Essa forma de colônia permitiu a distribuição do poder a um número maior de pessoas, que levou a instituições mais inclusivas e à prosperidade.
Os exemplos para comprovar a teses são vários e os autores relatam de forma bem detalhada. Um ponto que me pareceu pouco explorado foi a influência externa de impérios e potências no mundo atual, que pode dificultar o desenvolvimento de países mais atrasados. A questão geográfica também é descrita como irrelevante, porém o livro "Guns, Germs and Steel" do Jared Diamond me convenceu de que o início da agricultura e do desenvolvimento de civilizações teve um influencia bem grande de questões geográficas, como existência de espécies nativas cultiváveis, animais potencialmente domesticáveis e ausência de limites geográfico para expansão de aldeias, como montanhas e oceanos. Na minha opinião esses dois livros se completam e são imperdíveis.

Diogo M.
4.0 out of 5 stars
Engaging, but biased
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 1 May 2020Verified Purchase
A very engaging and interesting read. I quite enjoyed this book. However, it dismisses to quickly and with contempt theories based on geographical or cultural traits, putting all focus on political decisions, without acknowledging that sometimes they walk hand-in-hand. If it is the first time you are reading about this subject, then I recommend reading "Prisoners of Geography" and "Sapiens: Brief history of humankind", to allow for some informed contradiction to this (still a good read) book.
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Stewart T
5.0 out of 5 stars
An easy, informative (if at times depressing) read.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 4 May 2018Verified Purchase
Not only excellent on the conditions for failure (e.g. parts of Middle East and Africa,). but also provides a good insight to those countries who limp along (arguably Russia and some "former" satellites, plus a raft from Central America and Mexico. Easy dip-in and out reading. It would also position the reader well for going on to Francis Fukuyama's Origins of Political Order and Political Order and Political Decay (two storming if lengthy books). In an age of rolling 24 hour news imagery but hardly any analysis this is a perceptive and accessible read.
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